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This is in marked contrast to Hispanic men, who in the majority 26 out of 51 of states are more likely relative to population size to hold skilled trade and craft jobs in these private sector firms than are White men. More than two-thirds pay above this living wage threshold among skilled working class occupations.

Table 1. We explore variation across U. This variation can be produced by a variety of factors, including contemporary discrimination, past discrimination with employers, race and gender differences in access to good quality education, migration and incarceration patterns, and job preferences. White men are overrepresented in professional jobs in only fourteen states, most dramatically in the District of Columbia In every state, except for Utah and Washington, White women are more likely to hold professional jobs than are White men in these EEOC reporting private sector firms.

The general pattern for managers is quite similar, if less extreme, than the executive pattern. In all states, White men are overrepresented in first- and mid-level managerial EEOC reporting private sector jobs.

Average education is consistently highest among professionals, lower among executives and managers, and lower still in working class occupations. We found a similar pattern for skilled working class jobs.

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Asian men only rarely Kansas, Utah, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii have higher representation in these jobs than do White men. The demographic composition of professional occupations in the private sector, however, is quite a bit different than the patterns for managers and executives. Men are overrepresented in skilled trade and craft jobs in all states, but their advantaged access to these jobs varies from a high of For White men, overrepresentation in skilled working class jobs is lowest in California Although White men have advantaged access to skilled working class jobs in all but one state Hawaiithat advantage is weaker where minority populations are larger.

Prior research shows that it is these working class White men who are the r acially resentful and most opposed to further immigration and who were particularly receptive to anti-elite, anti-immigrant and racial political messages. Even in those two states, men are only slightly overrepresented in professional jobs. The medium and large private sector is the heart of the U. It is also this group of firms that the U.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is particularly tasked with monitoring for discrimination. That act prohibited employment segregation and discrimination on the bases of race, color, ethnicity, national origin and gender in the U. We also use to American Community Survey data from the U. States vary tremendously in their racial composition and so in order to make state comparisons of access to upper, middle and working class occupations it is necessary to calculate employment relative to labor supply.

In almost all states, White men are more likely to be found in skilled trades and craft occupations than are Black men. Less attention has been paid to which White men might be facing employment competition from other groups and where. As we will see below, occupations that require higher levels of education also tend to have more women in them.

Race, states, and the mixed fate of white men

In researching this report, we wondered: were specific states in which White men lose their average national social class advantages? The same happened to White women across the s. Administrative and sales being defined less by skill and more by gender and customer. Hispanic and Native American men are never found in managerial jobs at rates higher than their state labor force proportion. The general pattern for both White men and women is their access to professional occupations grows with the size of the minority population.

These are national snapshots and miss the substantial regional variation in the array of jobs available as well as the composition of the labor force. We begin with an examination of upper and middle class jobs, followed by skilled working class jobs, and conclude with other working class jobs. Professionals, in contrast, tend to have skills associated with specialized college degrees and generally undertake long on-the-job training periods.

In all states, except for Utah and Washington, women are overrepresented in professional jobs. White men have higher access to managerial jobs in all states, and this advantage grows with the size of the minority population.

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All minority men in Hawaii - except for Hispanics - are more likely to be found in skilled craft and trade private sector occupations than are White men. Table 2. Seen through the lens of class stratification and local labor markets, any statement that lumps all White men, or all women or all minorities, together is likely to be wrong.

About half of managers have college degrees, but they are primarily defined in terms of their control over systems of production. Progress into managerial jobs for most non-White groups stalled across the s. The Diversity Analytics website permits additional comparisons both between and within states. In the s the same pattern happened for Black and White women, but also all three groups began to get access to both managerial and professional jobs in what was the period of strongest federal regulation of employment discrimination.

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With the exception of Alaska, Asian men also tend to be overrepresented in managerial jobs in a pattern quite similar to their executive employment. White women get similar advantages in high minority states, but only rarely does this lead to over representation in managerial jobs. Discrimination is a difficult process to document; our goals are more modest.

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Note: Sample is 5, full-time, year-round, aged 16 to 65 workers from the American Community Survey cumulative file Average earnings are highest among executives, relatively high among managers, and professionals and then drop substantially for the working class occupations. Our state visualizations use EEO-1 employer reports from the U.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Educated White men benefit from growing minority labor forces, working class White men do not.

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Asian men are most similar to White men in their advantaged access to executive positions relative to their size in state labor markets, and are overrepresented among executives in the majority of states in which they are present. Black men, like White men, are less often advantaged in professional jobs, but unlike White men there is not a single state where Black men are overrepresented in professional jobs.

People and jobs are stratified by class and place as well as by gender and race. As we saw for executive jobs, managerial access for White men tends to be highest in states with large minority populations. That these working class men are resentful of elites is not then surprising. Hawaii stands out as the only state in which White men are not overrepresented in skilled working class jobs. Asian women are slightly overrepresented in managerial jobs in a handful of states, most dramatically in the District of Columbia In two states with very small Black populations — Arizona and Alaska — Black women are slightly overrepresented in Managerial jobs.

Minority men are more likely than minority women to be found in executive, managerial, and skilled craft and trade occupations. Hispanic men and women are underrepresented in professional jobs in all states. From a market perspective, one might reason for this loss of advantage might be more competition from women and minority candidades for desirable jobs in certain states.

In general, people who gain access to upper and middle class jobs have a set of family and personal history, social network and labor market advantages that aid their access to the best jobs. research using these EEO-1 reports show that in the s, and as a result of the Civil Rights movement, Black men began to be hired into these medium and large private sector firms, primarily into working class jobs.

At the same time, there is demographic heterogeneity within these occupations. On the coasts and in the Midwest they tend to be unionized as well. We use data collected by the U. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission EEOC from private sector firms with more than employees 50 if federal contractors and compare employment diversity in these workplaces to the available labor force in their states. There is only one exception to this pattern of minority exclusion from the top jobs.

Black men and women tend to have the least access to professional occupations in the southern states.

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The skilled crafts typically require high school education and lengthy on-the-job apprenticeship training. The exceptions are Utah, North Dakota, and Montana—all predominantly white states--and the District of Columbia and Virginia--both with large black populations.

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While White men have advantaged access to executive jobs in all states, this is a more unusual pattern for other groups. Both executives the top of the white-collar job ladder and skilled craft and trade jobs the best working class jobs are dominated by White men.

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There has been a great deal of popular speculation that White men are threatened by the advance of women and minorities in schools and workplaces. The EEOC collects occupational data from firms using ten broad occupational : executives, entry-level and middle managers, professionals, skilled technicians, administrative and clerical, sales, skilled crafts and trades, machine operators, laborers, and service workers Appendix 1 gives definitions and examples of these occupations.

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The general pattern is that White men are strongly advantaged in their access to upper class jobs everywhere, but particularly in states with large minority populations. Consistent with what we know nationally about earnings and education trends, the general national pattern is that White men are more commonly in higher paid occupations, particularly if they do not require high levels of education.

In Hawaii, Native Hawaiians are overrepresented in executive positions in medium and large private sector firms.

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Professional jobs tend to require at least a four-year college degree, and also tend to pay fairly high wages almost as high on average as managers. Serious national analyses have continuously demonstrated that this is not the case for earnings or employmentalthough it increasingly is for educational attainment.

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White women are found in executive private sector jobs at higher rates than their general labor force participation in only four places — the District of Columbia, New Mexico, California, and Hawaii — all places with large minority populations. There is also a great deal of variation across states as to which types of men are overrepresented in skilled working class jobs. Black men are overrepresented in managerial jobs in only three states--Arizona, Kansas, and New Mexico--all places with few Black workers.

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Managers oversee the work of other occupations and coordinate tasks within firms and with suppliers and customers. This is the opposite pattern to what we observed for upper and middle class occupations. Again, Black men and women tend to have higher levels of representation in professional jobs in states with very small Black populations. Table 1 describes these occupations in terms of their national average earnings, education, and white male employment. Other working class occupations include a substantial component of jobs that pay less than a living wage.

The only exceptions are Hawaii and Alaska, where Asian men are slightly underrepresented in professional occupations.

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Conversely, some social scientists have speculated that larger minority or female labor forces may tend to push White men up in the employment structure. Both occupational types tend to be well paid, although they earn much less than executives, who have considerably more control over production, capital investment, and other discretionary and strategic decisions.

In those same states working class White men face substantial labor market competition from minority men. The District of Columbia stands out for its rough equality in access to managerial jobs between White men and White women. Note: Sample is 5, full-time, year-round, age 16 to 65 workers from the American Community Survey cumulative file Black and Hispanic men are concentrated in working class jobs, with Hispanic men being particularly likely to be found in skilled crafts and trades.

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These correspond roughly to common class distinctions between upper executivesmiddle managers and professionalsand working class jobs. At Diversity Analytics it is now possible to query the actual demographic diversity of various occupations among the medium and large private sector firms that form the core of the US economy. Asian men and women are overrepresented in professional jobs in almost all states.

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